WEBVTT

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 Well, good evening. It's great to be with you all, and I bring you greetings from Church of the Resurrection on Capitol Hill.

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 I feel like I've been hanging out with Advent folks all week, and I officiated the wedding yesterday morning for Allie Phillips and Matt Barnwell, for those of you that know them.

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 And it was a fantastic service, fantastic wedding. So great to be with them and great to be with you all this morning at the Brooklyn service and here tonight.

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 I was thinking the last time I preached, it was part of a series at Church of the Resurrection on love, and everyone else got to preach on topics like dating and marriage.

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 And my topic was celibacy in a church full of young single people.

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 And here I am up again, and this time preaching in Washington, D.C. on politics and Christianity and citizenship.

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 So I don't know how this keeps happening.

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 My wife will say that, tell me that I choose this.

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 So all I can say is it seemed like a good idea at the time.

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 Let me open us with a word of prayer.

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 Father, Father, be with us all this evening as we listen for your voice.

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 May the words of my mouth and the meditations of all our hearts be acceptable in your sight, O Lord, our rock and our redeemer.

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 Amen.

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 So perhaps some of you saw the report that came out from the Pew Research Center earlier this year,

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 based on a survey that it had conducted, one of the largest surveys that it had ever conducted,

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 to examine the extent of our political polarization and to see just how deep it goes.

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 And one question on that survey in particular has been asked every year for several decades,

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 and it perhaps gets at it more than anything else.

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 It asks Americans whether they would be upset if their child married somebody from a different political party.

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 And when they asked this question in 1960,

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 5% of Americans expressed a negative reaction to their child marrying somebody from a different political party.

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 By 2010, 40% said they would be upset.

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 It used to be, of course, that race or religion were the two biggest determinants when it came to marriage.

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 But, of course, over the same period of time, the percentage of interracial marriages has increased significantly,

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 as have interfaith marriages.

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 So what we're seeing is really a huge shift in our social fabric.

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 Today, politics has become far more central than faith

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 when it comes to determining not only one's spouse, but one's broader friendships and communities.

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 Now, I think we need to affirm at the outset that one's political commitments matter

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 and that they're connected to a much broader web of values and commitments that we have.

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 But studies, I think, such as this do raise some important questions.

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 How is it that our political identities today have become so much more decisive

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 than any other aspect of our identities?

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 Why is it that the Christian community appears to exhibit similar degrees of antagonism and polarization

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 as exists in the broader culture?

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 And perhaps most fundamentally a question that I'd like for us to consider briefly here this morning,

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 is there anything distinctive about how Christians should engage in politics?

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 And if so, what would that look like?

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 So, because we're considering these questions in a place like Church of the Advent,

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 I'm going to make a few assumptions.

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 The first assumption is that politics is more than simply who you vote for.

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 Politics is a comprehensive process in which people with different views seek the common good together.

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 What this means, of course, is that since Christianity is concerned with human flourishing,

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 Christianity is inescapably political.

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 We heard it in our readings this evening.

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 In Isaiah, we hear God's reaction to injustice being done

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 and his call to political rulers to enact true justice.

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 In Psalm 47, God is praised as the supreme king to whom current earthly political leaders should submit.

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 In Mark's gospel, Jesus comes onto the scene as an heir of Israel's greatest politician, King David,

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 and he holds up an image of the most powerful political leader of the day, Caesar Augustus,

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 and subversively suggests that Caesar's days are numbered.

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 The second assumption that I'm going to make is that the gospel that Jesus preached

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 is not a privatized, Jesus and me, get saved so I can go to heaven when I die, kind of gospel.

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 We will simply take it as assumed that the death and resurrection of Jesus signaled the inbreaking of God's reign into our world

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 and therefore that God's vision for the world should find expression today

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 in everything from art to architecture to business to journalism and also to politics.

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 God's kingdom is not fully here.

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 God's kingdom is not fully here.

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 It's broken in, but it has not yet been fully realized.

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 Jesus has not yet returned in person to rule.

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 And therefore God orders and affirms earthly caretaker governments

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 to enact justice that is provisional and partial.

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 Earthly governments are not Christian, nor can they be.

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 Triumphal attempts to make earthly regimes in any way directly identified with God's rule

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 is a political mistake, and it's also a theological mistake.

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 But if we acknowledge a necessary gap between God's kingdom and earthly politics,

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 then we have to ask, what should we expect of earthly governments?

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 How do we translate a kingdom vision into earthly rule?

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 Now, fully answering this question might take more than one sermon.

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 It might take more than a few sermon series.

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 And the reality is that for those who come from evangelical backgrounds,

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 evangelicals have an underdeveloped theology of what this should look like.

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 And it means that, therefore, we will need to draw on other traditions

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 in order to fully answer this question.

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 One way of thinking about this, however, just very briefly,

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 would be to draw on the work of the theologian Karl Barth,

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 who argued that we work towards governments that are analogous to God's kingdom.

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 An analogy is where you compare two things that are different.

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 They're not the same in order to emphasize certain similarities.

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 In this respect, then, we should work toward degrees of correspondence

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 between earthly governments and God's kingdom.

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 So earthly governments will never be God's kingdom,

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 and we should not expect them to be.

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 However, as a result of the church's proclamation of the gospel,

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 we believe that governments can learn what their relatively bounded role can be

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 during this period between Christ's ascension and his return.

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 In other words, we believe that our New Testament lesson from Philippians 2, verse 9 is true.

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 Therefore, God has exalted Jesus and bestowed on him the name that is above every name,

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 so that at the name of Jesus, every knee should bow.

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 This means that everyone, including political rulers and political regimes,

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 will eventually bow their knee to the Lordship of Christ.

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 Now, of course, we are quick to affirm that this will be fully and completely true in the age to come,

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 but not just in the age to come.

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 As with every other area of life,

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 we believe that God's rule breaks into history now,

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 and that we should therefore expect to see glimpses,

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 anticipations of that future in the way that governments rule today.

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 It's why 4th century Christians were not surprised

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 by the eventual conversion of the Roman Empire,

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 of the Roman Emperor.

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 They weren't surprised by his conversion.

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 In fact, they were so confident in the gospel,

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 they expected it.

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 But this means that Christians engage in politics aware of a deep tension,

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 a tension that is constant and inescapable.

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 We put our best efforts towards creating the political conditions

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 that lead to human flourishing in everything from human trafficking to poverty to the family,

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 even as we remember the complexities of the issues,

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 the limitations of our perceptions,

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 and that even the best political achievements

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 are highly fragile and provisional until Christ returns.

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 So, in light of these tensions,

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 how might Christians move forward,

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 seeking to translate God's kingdom into the messiness of earthly politics?

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 And I want to briefly suggest three things.

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 First, I want to suggest that we start by simply allowing the liturgy that we practice here,

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 every Sunday,

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 to shape and inform us politically.

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 And the reason we must allow the liturgy of the church to shape us politically is because,

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 if we don't,

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 the liturgy of the state will.

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 It's important to remember that nation states always use liturgy to build cohesion and to shape the desires of its citizens,

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 and the United States is no different.

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 We have liturgies that begin shaping citizens from a very young age.

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 We take young children and we have them start the school day with an exercise in formation,

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 by putting their hands over their hearts and pledging allegiance to America,

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 as represented by the flag.

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 Anytime we get large groups of people together for sporting events in stadiums,

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 we start liturgically by singing about America.

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 I remember I had a friend of mine visiting from England.

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 I took him to a nationals game,

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 and at the beginning of the game,

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 we stood up to sing the national anthem.

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 And he said,

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 he said,

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 are we going to do this right now?

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 I said,

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 yeah,

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 absolutely.

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 He said,

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 this isn't just reserved for special events like the Olympics.

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 I said,

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 no,

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 this happens before pretty much every game in every stadium.

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 in America.

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 And,

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 uh,

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 he said,

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 you Americans are so hardcore.

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 Every spring,

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 our city is flooded with yellow school buses,

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 out of which poor eighth graders from across the country who have been brought on a pilgrimage

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 to the nation's capital.

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 They will gaze at saint-like statues of the founding fathers.

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 They will hear stories about the agreements that occurred like miracles at the Constitutional Convention.

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 They will climb the steps of the Lincoln Memorial,

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 a structure that was intentionally designed to look and feel like a temple.

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 And they will gaze in silent contemplation at our martyred president and read his words engraved on the stone walls.

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 Now,

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 understand that my intent here is not to make a critique,

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 but simply to highlight that politics and liturgy always go together.

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 A political vision always relies on liturgies to shape people's desires,

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 ultimately hoping that people will love something enough to die for it.

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 But if it's sometimes easy to miss the liturgy that's embedded in the state's politics,

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 it's also sometimes easy to miss the politics that are embedded in the church's liturgy.

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 So let's think about what happens here each Sunday when you come to church.

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 First of all,

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 you have to get dressed.

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 Either it's in the morning,

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 you have to get out of bed,

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 or you have to stop whatever you're doing in the afternoon to come to church

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 in order to worship.

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 So,

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 well done.

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 Now,

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 why do we do this?

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 Why don't we just stay at home and listen to podcasts of sermons?

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 Or watch services streaming over the internet in the comfort of our pajamas?

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 Perhaps we should ask that of the people who come here to Washington, D.C.

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 to gather on the National Mall for political rallies.

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 Why do they make all that effort?

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 Why don't they just stay at home and post things on Facebook?

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 Because gathering together makes a public statement.

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 It is a form of communal witness.

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 And so with church,

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 simply showing up to gather with other Christians is a form of communal witness.

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 We even opened up this evening with our own political pledge.

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 What's the acclamation that we start with every Sunday?

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 The celebrant comes up and begins by saying,

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 Blessed be God,

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 the Father,

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 Son,

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 and Holy Spirit.

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 And what do the people say?

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 And blessed be his kingdom.

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 Now and forever.

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 We are here this evening to bless and affirm and center ourselves on God's kingdom.

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 Or consider our liturgy later in the service,

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 when we come to the table each Sunday for the Eucharist.

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 There we enact and experience a common meal that is very different from the meals that occur in our daily life out in the world.

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 Out in the world,

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 some people go to expensive restaurants,

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 other people go to inexpensive restaurants,

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 and others cannot afford to go to restaurants at all.

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 In general,

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 these groups do not share table fellowship together with each other over a meal.

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 But every Sunday,

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 Christians come to a table at which Jesus is the host,

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 which we are reminded is a foretaste of the meals that we will enjoy together in the age to come.

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 And as we come up,

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 regardless of class,

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 or background,

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 or race,

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 or income,

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 we stand or kneel in exactly the same posture together,

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 bringing nothing apart from outstretched hands to receive.

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 And we might ask,

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 what are the political,

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 or social,

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 or economic implications of communion?

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 And if we want the world to at least partially reflect the goodness of God's kingdom,

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 how might we extend what is happening at communion to our neighborhoods?

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 Or to our city?

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 Making these kinds of connections will require creativity and wisdom and prudence.

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 We may find that certain Christian concerns don't have any obvious political traction.

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 We may find that perspectives that emerge do not always line up neatly with party politics as they are currently conceived.

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 We may often find that there's not simply one answer.

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 But because it is not easy,

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 then

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 while we need to start by being shaped by the church's liturgy,

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 we need to go even further.

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 And thus,

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 the second suggestion I would make is that

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 as people who are being formed

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 in the narrative of God's kingdom,

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 we also seek to talk about these things with other Christians,

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 including,

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 and even especially,

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 those with whom we disagree politically.

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 Now,

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 it can be dangerous in a city like this,

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 I realize.

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 We may have to find some catacombs somewhere where we can hold those discussions with impunity.

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 But we need to have our thinking shaped by the broader community of Christians.

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 And because this can be difficult,

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 we'll need to proceed with great care and love and humility.

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 We'll need to learn to communicate our views with gentleness and be open to being wrong.

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 But the world is actually looking for models of how to do this.

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 Our shared commitment to Jesus Christ means that Christians ought to be able to have

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 better conversations about politics and justice than the rest of the world.

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 And the final consideration is this.

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 We should seek to ground our broader political reflections on local hands-on involvement.

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 The church should always seek to be incarnational in its witness.

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 It changes a debate,

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 and it changes us,

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 if we are discussing immigration in the context of knowing and caring for immigrants.

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 It changes our debates about poverty and how to make things better

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 if we are relationally engaged with those who are economically disadvantaged.

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 A few years ago, I was having a conversation with a friend of mine in Georgia.

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 And he was telling me about his church and about the after-school tutoring program that his church had started.

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 He told me that his was a politically conservative congregation,

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 and most people had very defined views about things like immigration and undocumented workers.

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 But they started an after-school tutoring program, he said,

00:20:16.539 --> 00:20:20.019
 in part to help low-income kids in their neighborhood with their schoolwork.

00:20:20.019 --> 00:20:22.720
 He said,

00:20:22.720 --> 00:20:24.500
 to their complete surprise,

00:20:25.079 --> 00:20:28.359
 the after-school tutoring program grew like crazy.

00:20:28.740 --> 00:20:31.839
 And before too long, it was filled with hundreds of kids.

00:20:33.000 --> 00:20:36.039
 And it became this major ministry of their church.

00:20:36.039 --> 00:20:39.220
 Most of the kids lived nearby,

00:20:39.220 --> 00:20:42.259
 and as the members of the congregation started working with these kids,

00:20:42.420 --> 00:20:43.639
 they got to know their families.

00:20:44.279 --> 00:20:47.980
 And they began to love these kids and their families,

00:20:48.139 --> 00:20:50.740
 and some of the families started coming to church.

00:20:52.940 --> 00:20:56.680
 The complicating factor, however,

00:20:56.680 --> 00:21:01.180
 was that most of these kids were Hispanic or Latino,

00:21:01.180 --> 00:21:04.160
 and many of them were almost certainly undocumented.

00:21:05.920 --> 00:21:08.000
 And my friend told me,

00:21:08.680 --> 00:21:11.259
 we don't know what to do.

00:21:13.759 --> 00:21:17.120
 Most of us believe certain things about immigration,

00:21:17.120 --> 00:21:22.940
 and we also love these kids and their families.

00:21:22.940 --> 00:21:25.140
 And he said,

00:21:25.220 --> 00:21:28.720
 our church is having conversations about justice in politics

00:21:28.720 --> 00:21:30.019
 that we never had before.

00:21:33.940 --> 00:21:34.380
 Now,

00:21:34.580 --> 00:21:37.559
 I think it is safe to say that the members of this church

00:21:37.559 --> 00:21:41.019
 have not suddenly ditched their political views,

00:21:41.160 --> 00:21:42.279
 nor should they have.

00:21:44.480 --> 00:21:47.920
 And it's safe to say that the very real and legitimate questions

00:21:47.920 --> 00:21:52.000
 around immigration did not suddenly become any less complicated.

00:21:52.940 --> 00:21:57.180
 But let me ask you this.

00:21:57.720 --> 00:21:59.620
 Where else in America

00:21:59.620 --> 00:22:02.200
 can you find conservative,

00:22:02.360 --> 00:22:03.279
 wall-building,

00:22:03.519 --> 00:22:05.440
 red-state Christians

00:22:05.440 --> 00:22:08.200
 worshipping side-by-side

00:22:08.200 --> 00:22:10.519
 with undocumented immigrants,

00:22:10.779 --> 00:22:11.960
 caring for their kids,

00:22:12.279 --> 00:22:13.840
 helping them graduate from high school

00:22:13.840 --> 00:22:14.960
 so they can go to college,

00:22:15.519 --> 00:22:17.400
 and struggling mightily

00:22:17.400 --> 00:22:20.640
 to work out the politics of that?

00:22:22.940 --> 00:22:27.080
 That only happens in the church.

00:22:31.080 --> 00:22:31.840
 If,

00:22:32.400 --> 00:22:33.940
 as it is sometimes noted,

00:22:34.080 --> 00:22:37.500
 that states are the laboratories for federal politics,

00:22:38.140 --> 00:22:38.720
 the church

00:22:38.720 --> 00:22:40.580
 is the laboratory

00:22:40.580 --> 00:22:43.380
 for God's political vision.

00:22:43.380 --> 00:22:47.180
 The church

00:22:47.180 --> 00:22:48.520
 is God's agent

00:22:48.520 --> 00:22:49.400
 for change.

00:22:51.100 --> 00:22:52.280
 The church

00:22:52.280 --> 00:22:53.240
 is the place

00:22:53.240 --> 00:22:55.120
 where we strive

00:22:55.120 --> 00:22:56.020
 to embody

00:22:56.020 --> 00:22:57.520
 what we hope the world

00:22:57.520 --> 00:22:58.360
 will one day be.

00:23:00.240 --> 00:23:01.420
 And if we

00:23:01.420 --> 00:23:03.440
 commit ourselves to that,

00:23:04.120 --> 00:23:05.140
 then Christians

00:23:05.140 --> 00:23:06.880
 just might have something

00:23:06.880 --> 00:23:08.420
 distinctive to contribute

00:23:08.420 --> 00:23:09.500
 as citizens.

00:23:09.500 --> 00:23:12.900
 Amen.

00:23:12.900 --> 00:23:13.019
 Amen.